Mon, 19 May 2025, 13:12 to 13:13
The relationship between the United Kingdom and African nations, particularly concerning migration, is a complex tapestry woven with threads of colonial history, economic opportunism, and shifting political ideologies. The phrase "Now they want us, now they don't" poignantly captures the often contradictory and frequently politically motivated nature of UK immigration policies towards individuals from African countries.
For decades, these policies have oscillated between periods of active recruitment, driven by labour shortages and imperial connections, and phases of stringent restriction and even criminalisation, fuelled by domestic anxieties, populist rhetoric, and a desire to exert control over national borders. This blog critically examines this fluctuating landscape, tracing the historical trajectory of UK migration policies affecting Africans, analysing the political and socio-economic drivers behind these changes, and reflecting on the human consequences of such an approach. By referencing the latest resources and historical precedents, this blog aims to illuminate the often-precarious position of African migrants navigating a system that has historically viewed them through a lens of utility and, increasingly, suspicion.
The historical trajectory of UK immigration policy as it pertains to African nations is not a linear progression but a series of ebbs and flows, reflecting the changing priorities and anxieties of the British state. Understanding this timeline is crucial to contextualising the current climate.
British Nationality Act 1948: The post-World War II era saw the UK grappling with significant labour shortages essential for national reconstruction and the staffing of its nascent public services, most notably the National Health Service (NHS). In this context, the British Nationality Act 1948 was enacted. This legislation granted subjects of the British Empire, which included numerous African colonies at the time, the right to live and work in the UK. This period was characterised by an active, albeit sometimes ambivalent, encouragement of migration from Commonwealth countries, including those in Africa, to meet the pressing economic demands of the metropole. The primary political motivation was economic necessity, framed within the existing structures and obligations of the Commonwealth.
Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1962: The open-door policy facilitated by the 1948 Act was relatively short-lived. By the early 1960s, societal anxieties regarding the scale of immigration, often intertwined with racial prejudices and concerns about social cohesion, began to permeate political discourse. The Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1962 represented the first significant legislative measure to curtail the previously unfettered access for Commonwealth citizens. It introduced a system of employment vouchers, thereby making it more challenging for unskilled workers to migrate. This policy shift signalled a departure from the earlier open-door approach and was a clear governmental response to growing anti-immigration sentiment and a desire to demonstrate control over immigration numbers. The political calculus was increasingly influenced by domestic populism and a recalibration of the UK's relationship with its former colonies.
Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1968: The trend towards stricter controls continued with the Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1968. This legislation further tightened immigration rules and notably impacted East African Asians, many of whom held British passports and were fleeing persecution in newly independent African nations like Kenya and Uganda. The Act introduced a requirement for a direct connection to the UK, such as birth or ancestry (a 'grandfather clause'), which many East African Asians lacked.
This was a highly controversial and politically charged piece of legislation, widely criticised as a betrayal of British passport holders and perceived by many as a racially motivated measure to limit non-white immigration. The political motivations were complex, involving attempts to manage a perceived 'crisis' of incoming refugees while simultaneously assuaging domestic fears concerning racial integration and the perceived strain on public resources.
Immigration Act 1971: The Immigration Act 1971 consolidated and extended these restrictions. It introduced the legal concept of "patriality" (the right of abode), which effectively created a distinction between British citizens with close ties to the UK (e.g., through birth or descent) and those without. This Act significantly restricted primary immigration for employment purposes for most Commonwealth citizens, including those from African countries, unless they possessed specific skills deemed necessary by the UK labour market or had a UK-born parent or grandparent.
The 1971 Act laid the legislative foundation for a more selective and restrictive immigration system, where the 'need' for migrants was increasingly defined by narrow economic criteria rather than broader Commonwealth affiliations. The political rhetoric surrounding immigration began to shift, framing it more as a potential burden to be managed rather than an unequivocal benefit.
Increased focus on skilled migration (late 1990s - 2000s): During the period of the UK's membership in the European Union, which allowed for the free movement of people for EU citizens, policies for non-EU migrants, including those from African countries, became increasingly focused on attracting individuals with specific skills. While EU free movement dominated the migration landscape, the government sought to manage non-EU migration through criteria designed to benefit the UK economy. This era saw the development of various schemes aimed at skilled workers and students from outside the EU. For African migrants, this provided avenues for skilled professionals and those seeking higher education in the UK, though often these routes involved complex application processes and stringent requirements.
Points-Based System (PBS- introduced from 2008): The Labour government introduced a comprehensive PBS starting in 2008, designed to be a more objective and transparent method for managing migration from outside the European Economic Area. This multi-tiered system awarded points to potential migrants based on attributes such as skills, qualifications, age, and prospective earnings. The PBS aimed to ensure that migrants filled specific labour market gaps and contributed positively to the UK economy. For African migrants, the PBS created defined routes, such as Tier 2 for skilled workers and Tier 4 for students.
However, the criteria, including salary thresholds, English language proficiency requirements, and the cost of applications, could be challenging to meet, particularly for individuals not in high-demand sectors or those from less affluent backgrounds. The political motivation was to project an image of a controlled, selective immigration system that attracted 'the brightest and the best' while simultaneously limiting overall numbers from outside the EU.
"Hostile environment" Policies (intensified from 2012 onwards): A significant and critically debated shift in UK immigration policy was the development and intensification of the "Hostile Environment" (later officially rebranded as the "compliant environment"). These policies, initiated around 2012 under the Conservative-Liberal Democrat coalition government and significantly expanded under subsequent Conservative administrations, aimed to make life so difficult for individuals without leave to remain in the UK that they would 'voluntarily' choose to leave. This involved a suite of administrative and legislative measures that required landlords, employers, banks, the NHS, and even the DVLA to conduct immigration status checks, effectively deputising ordinary citizens and public and private services as agents of immigration control.
The Immigration Acts of 2014 and 2016 provided further legislative underpinning for these measures, increasing deportation powers and creating new criminal offences related to immigration status. While ostensibly targeting irregular migrants, the hostile environment had a profound and often devastating impact on many legitimate migrants and ethnic minority British citizens, including those of African descent.
The Windrush scandal, though primarily affecting Caribbean migrants, starkly exposed the systemic flaws, potential for racial bias, and severe human cost inherent in these policies. For many African migrants, it fostered a climate of fear, suspicion, and precarity, making it harder to access essential services, secure housing, and live with dignity. The political motivation behind the hostile environment was overtly populist, driven by a long-standing political pledge to reduce net migration figures and a desire to demonstrate toughness on immigration, often in response to anti-immigration narratives amplified in sections of the media.
Post-Brexit Immigration System (from 2021): The UK's departure from the European Union (Brexit) was heavily campaigned on the promise of 'taking back control' of borders and immigration. The post-Brexit immigration system, which came into effect on 1 January 2021, ended the principle of free movement for EU nationals and applied a new, supposedly universal, points-based system to all individuals wishing to migrate to the UK, regardless of origin. While proponents argued that this created a 'level playing field' for migrants from all countries, for many African migrants, the new system maintained or, in some respects, increased barriers. High salary thresholds, the cost of visas, the English language requirement, and the complexity of the rules continued to be significant hurdles.
Specific schemes, such as the Health and Care Worker visa, were introduced to address labour shortages in particular sectors and initially saw significant uptake from African countries, such as Nigeria and Zimbabwe. However, as recent policy announcements in 2024 and early 2025 indicate, even these routes are subject to tightening. For instance, restrictions have been placed on care workers bringing dependents, and the Graduate Route (allowing international students to stay and work for a period after graduation) is under review, reflecting a continued political imperative to reduce overall net migration figures. These changes often come at the expense of sectors reliant on overseas labour and create further uncertainty for migrants and their families (BBC News, 2025; Reuters, 2025).
Nationality and Borders Act 2022: This Act introduced significant changes to the UK's asylum system and immigration enforcement. It created a differential approach to asylum seekers based on their method of arrival, with those arriving through irregular routes (e.g., by small boat across the Channel) potentially receiving less favourable treatment and temporary forms of protection.
The Act also criminalised the act of arriving in the UK without permission and increased penalties for those facilitating such arrivals. Furthermore, it laid the groundwork for the controversial policy of transferring asylum seekers to third countries (such as Rwanda) for their claims to be processed, a policy that has faced significant legal and ethical challenges. For asylum seekers from African countries, who may be fleeing conflict, persecution, or severe hardship, this Act directly impacts their ability to claim asylum in the UK, potentially criminalising their entry and making the process more arduous and uncertain.
Illegal Migration Act 2023: Building on the 2022 Act, the Illegal Migration Act 2023 further strengthened the government's powers to detain and remove individuals who arrive in the UK irregularly. It places a legal duty on the Home Secretary to make arrangements for the removal of such individuals, either to their home country or to a 'safe third country.' The Act severely restricts access to the UK's asylum system and modern slavery protections for those deemed to have entered illegally. For African migrants arriving through irregular channels, this legislation significantly increases the risk of detention, removal, and denial of protection, raising serious concerns among human rights organisations regarding due process and the UK's obligations under international refugee conventions.
As reported by various news outlets including the BBC and Reuters in early 2025, the UK government, under Prime Minister Keir Starmer, announced further measures aimed at curbing net migration. These include toughening requirements for legal migrants, such as increasing salary thresholds for skilled worker visas, further restricting the ability of overseas care workers to bring dependents, reducing the length of the Graduate Route visa from two or three years to 18 months, and extending the waiting period for most newcomers to claim citizenship from five to ten years.
Stricter oversight for universities recruiting international students has also been proposed. These changes are explicitly designed to 'significantly' drive down net migration figures, which reached record highs in preceding years. The impact on African migration is likely to be substantial, making it more difficult and expensive for many African nationals to come to the UK for work or study, and for those already in the UK to bring family members or achieve permanent settlement. The rhetoric accompanying these changes often emphasises controlling borders and ensuring that migration benefits the UK economy, but critics argue that these measures can be short-sighted, damage the UK's attractiveness to global talent, and create hardship for individuals and families.
The United Kingdom's immigration policies concerning migrants from African countries have not evolved in a vacuum. They represent a complex interplay of economic imperatives, post-colonial legacies, domestic political calculations, and prevailing public sentiment, often shaped by media narratives. A critical analysis reveals that the oscillation between welcoming and restricting African migration is deeply rooted in these multifaceted and frequently conflicting drivers.
Historically, a primary motivator for encouraging immigration, including from African Commonwealth nations, was economic need. The post-war boom and the establishment of public services like the NHS created a demand for labour that domestic populations alone could not meet. The British Nationality Act 1948 directly addressed this by facilitating the entry of Commonwealth citizens. However, as the UK's economic landscape changed, and particularly during periods of recession or increased unemployment, immigration often became a convenient scapegoat.
The introduction of the Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1962 and subsequent restrictive legislation coincided with growing economic anxieties and a political desire to be seen as managing, or reducing, immigration flows. This tension between economic need – for instance, the current reliance on overseas workers in the health and social care sector, many of whom are from African countries – and the political imperative to reduce net migration figures continues to define policy. The recent tightening of rules for care workers bringing dependents, despite acknowledged staff shortages in the sector, exemplifies this conflict (BBC News, 2025).
The UK's colonial past has cast a long shadow over its immigration policies. Initially, Commonwealth ties provided a framework for migration. However, as former colonies gained independence and the UK's global role evolved, so too did its approach to Commonwealth citizens. The Immigration Act 1971, with its emphasis on "patriality," marked a significant step in differentiating between citizens based on their ancestral links to the UK, effectively diminishing the rights of many Commonwealth citizens, including those in Africa, who did not have direct UK-born lineage. This reflected a broader shift in British national identity, moving away from its imperial past towards a more insular, and some argue, more exclusionary, conception of nationhood. The rhetoric surrounding Brexit, with its emphasis on "taking back control" of borders, can be seen as a further iteration of this evolving national identity, one that often views non-European migration with greater suspicion.
Immigration has consistently been a salient and often contentious issue in British politics. Successive governments have been highly sensitive to public opinion, which itself is often influenced by media portrayals of migrants and migration. Negative or alarmist narratives, particularly concerning asylum seekers or migrants from specific regions, including parts of Africa, have frequently been used to justify harsher policies. The development of the "Hostile Environment" policies from 2012 onwards was a clear attempt to respond to, and arguably stoke, anti-immigration sentiment. The political discourse often frames immigration as a problem to be solved or a threat to be managed, rather than a complex phenomenon with both challenges and benefits. The focus on net migration figures as a key political metric has driven many recent policy decisions, leading to what critics describe as a numbers game that overlooks the human impact and the nuanced realities of migration (The Guardian, 2025; Al Jazeera, 2025).
The very language used – distinguishing between "legal" and "illegal" migrants, "skilled" versus "unskilled," and the increasing criminalisation of asylum-seeking through legislation like the Nationality and Borders Act 2022 and the Illegal Migration Act 2023 – serves to create categories of deservingness and undeservingness. This rhetoric often disproportionately affects migrants from African countries, who may be fleeing conflict, poverty, or persecution, and whose routes to the UK may be more precarious.
A particularly concerning trend in recent years has been the increasing criminalisation of aspects of migration, especially for those seeking asylum or arriving through irregular channels. Policies such as the potential for offshore processing of asylum claims (the Rwanda plan), the differentiation of asylum seekers based on their mode of arrival, and the enhanced powers of detention and removal create a system where seeking refuge can be treated as a quasi-criminal act. This approach not only raises significant human rights concerns but also fundamentally alters the UK's traditional role as a place of sanctuary. For African migrants, who constitute a significant proportion of those seeking asylum globally, these policies create formidable barriers and a climate of fear and uncertainty.
The recent pronouncements by Prime Minister Keir Starmer’s government in early 2025, aiming to further toughen rules for legal migrants and extend waiting times for citizenship, indicate that the drive to reduce overall numbers and exert tighter control remains a dominant political objective (Reuters, 2025; CNN, 2025). While framed in terms of fairness and control, these measures will inevitably make it more challenging for many African nationals to build lives in the UK, contribute to its economy and society, or find safety when needed.
The history of migration from Africa to the UK is a story of fluctuating demand, shifting legal frameworks, and enduring human aspiration. The sentiment "Now they want us, now they don't" accurately reflects the precariousness faced by many African migrants, whose welcome has often been conditional and whose rights have been progressively curtailed by politically motivated policy shifts. From the open invitations of the post-war era to the "hostile environment" and the restrictive post-Brexit landscape, the UK's approach has been characterised by inconsistency and a tendency to prioritise short-term political gains over long-term integration strategies or humanitarian considerations.
The latest policy changes in 2025, aimed at significantly reducing net migration, suggest a continued trajectory towards a more restrictive regime. While governments emphasise control and the economic benefits of selective migration, the human cost of these policies – the separated families, the dashed hopes, the lives lived in limbo – often remains unacknowledged in mainstream political discourse. For African migrants, the dream of a stable future in the UK is increasingly overshadowed by complex bureaucracy, escalating financial barriers, and a political climate that often views them with suspicion rather than as valued contributors to a diverse and dynamic society. Addressing this requires a more honest and humane conversation about migration, one that moves beyond a simplistic numbers game and acknowledges both the UK's historical responsibilities and the multifaceted contributions that migrants from Africa, like all migrant groups, bring to the nation.
This blog piece was written by Abiola George (PhD), an alumna of the Development Policy and Practice Group at The Open University. A fun fact: she holds the distinction of being the department's 100th PhD graduate. She can be contacted via email: mail@abiola.org
Al Jazeera. (2025, May 12). UK Labour government toughens immigration plans as far right gains support. culled from https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/5/12/uk-labour-government-toughens-immigration-plans-as-far-right-gains-support
BBC News. (2025, May 13). Immigration: What are the government's plans and the challenges? culled from https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c17r0x11wl1o
CNN. (2025, May 12) . UK migration: Starmer toughens rules as Reform surge. culled from https://edition.cnn.com/2025/05/12/uk/uk-starmer-migration-white-paper-gbr-intl
Punch Nigeria. (2025, May 12). UK immigration overhaul: What Nigerians, Africans should know. culled from https://punchng.com/uk-immigration-overhaul-what-nigerians-africans-should-know/#:~:text=The%20new%20measures%20outlined%20in,%2C%20family%2C%20and%20asylum%20visas.
Reuters. (2025, May 12). What are British PM Starmer's new policies to curb net migration? culled from https://www.reuters.com/world/uk/british-pm-starmers-new-policies-drive-down-net-migration-2025-05-12/
The Guardian. (2025, May 12) . UK risks becoming 'island of strangers' without more immigration curbs, Starmer says. culled from https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/may/12/uk-risks-becoming-island-of-strangers-without-more-immigration-curbs-starmer-says
British Nationality Act 1948. (c. 56). London: His Majesty's Stationery Office.
Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1962. (c. 21). London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office.
Commonwealth Immigrants Act 1968. (c. 9). London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office.
Immigration Act 1971. (c. 77). London: Her Majesty's Stationery Office.
Immigration Act 2014. (c. 22). London: The Stationery Office.
Immigration Act 2016. (c. 19). London: The Stationery Office.
Nationality and Borders Act 2022. (c. 36). London: The Stationery Office.
Illegal Migration Act 2023. (c. 32). London: The Stationery Office.
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